Chinese mining companies have become the second-largest power in Nicaragua’s mining sector in terms of the number of concessions and territorial coverage granted over the past two years by the Ortega-Murillo dictatorship, according to the investigation The Gold Rush Continues in Nicaragua: Analyzing the 2022-2024 Period.
The emergence of these new Chinese companies is part of a broader strategy to reorganize the country’s mining industry, led by the presidential couple, to evade sanctions from the United States and other Western nations, explains Carmen Corea-Sánchez, the author of the study.
Mining concessions granted to Chinese companies Zhong Fu Development S.A., Nicaragua Xinxin Linze Mining Group S.A., and Thomas Metal S.A. represent 45.9% of all concessions issued by the Ministry of Energy and Mines (MEM) between 2022 and 2024.
Of the 37 concessions granted during this period, 17 were awarded to these three Chinese companies alone, covering a total of 236,469.31 hectares—36.3% of the 651,184.27 hectares granted during those years.
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Most of these concessions are located in the Caribbean Coast, distributed across the municipalities of Siuna, Waslala, Mulukukú, and Puerto Cabezas, followed by the departments of Chinandega, Chontales, Estelí, and Jinotega.
Among the concessions granted to the Chinese bloc, one stands out: a 6,000-hectare area in El Rama, in the Southern Caribbean Coast, which was initially assigned to the mining company Comintsa in 2022. This concession was completely transferred to Zhong Fu Development S.A. under the same conditions as the original certification, according to an April 17, 2024, publication in La Gaceta.
Transfer Following U.S. Treasury Sanctions

The concession transfer occurred just months before the U.S. Department of the Treasury sanctioned Comintsa and Capital Mining Investment Nicaragua (Capital Mining) in May 2024 for “corrupt operations.” The company, owned by Salvador Mansell, the Ortega-aligned MEM minister, had previously been sanctioned in 2021 for similar reasons.
“The allocation of concessions to Chinese companies aims to secure political allies outside the reach of U.S. sanctions and expand markets into regions not tied to Western economies, reducing dependency on them,” says Ignacio, an indigenous rights advocate and anonymous member of the research team.
In addition to Comintsa, the Nicaraguan Mining Company (Eniminas)—owned by the Ortega-Murillo regime—and the General Directorate of Mines (DGM) were also sanctioned on June 17 and October 24, 2022, respectively.
The approval of these concessions accelerated after Nicaragua and the People’s Republic of China signed a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) in August 2023. Following the agreement, numerous Chinese companies began operations across Nicaragua to expand their commercial activities.
“The Ortega-Murillo government’s new policy is to sever ties with Western markets, including the U.S., Canada, and several European countries. Instead, they are aligning with countries that share similar governance models—those without democracy, separation of powers, or respect for human rights. These alliances involve mutual support agreements to counter Western policies,” the advocate explains.
Canada remains the primary mining partner of the Ortega-Murillo dictatorship through Calibre Mining Nicaragua S.A. and its subsidiary Desarrollo Minero de Nicaragua S.A. (Desminic S.A.). Between 2022 and 2024, the consortium obtained 11 concessions covering over 335,000 hectares.
Of the 114 active concessions for metallic mining in Nicaragua granted since 1994, 56—covering 1,127,722.25 hectares—belong to Calibre Mining and its subsidiaries. This represents 65% of the total national territory allocated to mining, according to the study.
After China, Colombia and the United Kingdom follow as Nicaragua’s key mining partners through Hemco Nicaragua S.A., a subsidiary of Grupo Mineros S.A., and Condor S.A., respectively. Hemco Nicaragua S.A. holds concessions covering 151,259.34 hectares, while Condor S.A. controls an area of 55,245.27 hectares.
Chinese Companies Are Hard to Track

Mining concessions granted since 2022 have “skyrocketed,” notes Corea-Sánchez. Of the 144 active concessions, 37 were approved between 2022 and 2024—25% of the total in just three years.
Most of these concessions during this period were granted to the Canadian company Calibre Mining Nicaragua S.A. and its subsidiary Desminic S.A. Following the Chinese companies are El Porvenir Murra S.A., represented by foreign businessman Nicolas Khoury, and Grupo Minero Xiloá S.A., for which no information is available.
Unlike companies historically granted concessions under the Ortega-Murillo regime, there is no way to trace the origins, structure, or operations of these new companies, including the Chinese ones, says Ignacio.
“We don’t know the structural differences between the Chinese companies and others. Companies like Calibre Mining, Hemco, and their subsidiaries in Colombia and Chile can be tracked, but these Chinese companies cannot. They are extremely hard to trace, and in other countries, there have been cases of labor exploitation and environmental destruction,” he says.
Chinese companies in the gold sector are characterized by a lack of transparency protocols and minimal legal regulations, which allow them to operate “under the radar,” adds Amaru Ruíz, director of Fundación del Río.
Little information is available on the three Chinese companies granted 17 concessions. The few details known about them come from sparse publications by state institutions.
“If you search for the companies by name, you find very little—just an address, and they don’t have websites. This shows the significant level of control the Chinese state exerts over these companies to keep information about them hidden,” says Ruíz.
“In Chinese companies, there’s always someone from the Chinese government on their boards of directors, but we don’t know who they are, what subsidiaries they have in other countries, or their corporate networks. It’s similar to the concession for the Interoceanic Canal given to Wang Jing, where we knew nothing about him or his companies,” adds Ruíz.
Expedited Concessions

The time required to obtain a concession—from application to MEM certification—has drastically decreased in recent years, according to the investigation.
Corea-Sánchez highlights that the average process took 850 days (two years and three months) in 2022, with the cadastral request and assessment being the most time-consuming stages.
However, since 2023—coinciding with concessions granted to Chinese companies—the average duration has dropped to 187 days, just over six months. By 2024, the process had become almost immediate, averaging only three months. Environmental evaluations, previously taking longer, were completed in just one day.
“There has been a drastic reduction in processing times, turning mining concessions into express approvals,” warns Corea-Sánchez.
These concessions were approved without adequately assessing their environmental impacts, and at least seven concessions—26% of those granted in these years—are located within titled indigenous territories.
The approvals ignored the right to free, prior, and informed consultation, says Ignacio. While the Regional Council of the RACCN or Municipal Councils approved the concessions, these consultations were carried out with regime-controlled institutions rather than affected communities.
Additionally, of the 37 concessions approved between 2022 and 2024, 14 are located near protected areas, in some cases just 100 meters from the nearest boundary. Four concessions, for example, surround the Bosawás Biosphere Reserve.
“This reflects the scale of the mining expansion, the exploitation of natural resources, and the harmful ways this is being conducted, disregarding damage to indigenous communities and the environment,” Corea-Sánchez warns.