Since Daniel Ortega returned to power in 2007—and began sharing the presidency with his wife Rosario Murillo in 2017—he has amended the Political Constitution more than a dozen times to legitimize his increasingly authoritarian rule. However, the “partial reform” he submitted to the National Assembly on November 19 stands out as the most radical, not only because it alters over a hundred articles, but because it fundamentally changes the “nature of the Nicaraguan state.” It formalizes a totalitarian state that has existed de facto since the 2018 social protests. Under this totalitarian system, dissent is legally eradicated, the separation of powers is definitively abolished, and dynastic succession is secured with the formalization of the “Co-President” title.
While the regime describes the reform as “partial,” constitutional experts argue that it is a sweeping modification that cannot be classified as such. To reform over a hundred articles—including the constitutional preamble, as the presidential couple has done—a National Constituent Assembly would need to be convened. However, this did not happen, nor will it.
Instead, regime-supporting lawmakers led by Edwin Castro received the reform proposal signed by Daniel Ortega on Tuesday, November 19, and by Thursday, November 20, disseminated the proposed changes. According to Sandinista sources consulted by Divergentes, the reform is expected to be approved in its first reading on Friday, November 22, and ratified before January 10, allowing the presidential couple to assume the “Co-President” title.
While the 2013 constitutional reform was the first to mention socialist values, Ortega and Murillo now declare in Article 3 of the current reform that the Nicaraguan state “is founded on socialist ideals.” In other words, socialism is no longer a government slogan or aspirational statement but a constitutional foundation. Article 6 further asserts that “the Republic of Nicaragua is a revolutionary state.”
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“This is the critical issue: without holding a constituent consultation, they are completely redefining the Nicaraguan state as socialist,” a constitutional law expert told Divergentes. “This declaration of socialism constitutionally eliminates political pluralism, which had already been purged in practice.”
Additionally, the amended Article 53 mandates that political parties must align their statutes with the Constitution’s fundamental principles. “This means there can no longer be centrist or right-leaning parties in Nicaragua. Even the so-called collaborationist parties in the Assembly must now adopt socialism,” the constitutional expert added.
“The declaration in Articles 3 and 6 of Nicaragua as a revolutionary state founded on socialist ideals is one of the most dangerous and abusive elements of this reform because it is being done without any public consultation. Ironically, under this regime, Nicaragua has never been further from true socialism,” the expert concluded.
Emulating China and Russia?
Sociologist and political scientist Juan Carlos Gutiérrez Soto notes that while political science has not yet classified the Ortega-Murillo regime as totalitarian—due to the lack of a clear ideology that suppresses all other expressions and the formal existence of elections and opposition parties—these features are merely a façade. Free and competitive elections do not exist, nor do genuinely autonomous political parties independent of Sandinista control.
“The fundamental principles of this new constitution establish an ideological framework for the state, defining it as socialist, Christian, and in solidarity,” Gutiérrez Soto explains. “These principles will serve as the basis for the formation of political parties, making it impossible for organizations with alternative ideologies to emerge.”
This political structure mirrors systems in countries like China, Russia, North Korea, and Cuba—the primary ideological allies of the Ortega-Murillo regime. “They want to create the impression that Nicaragua is now part of this bloc,” a source close to the regime remarked.
“Why legalize now what they’ve already been doing de facto?” asks sociologist Gutiérrez Soto. He answers in line with the source close to the regime: Ortega and Murillo, facing international isolation, need to establish legal and normative mechanisms that allow them to claim they operate under a Constitution and internal laws that cannot be challenged.
“They want to say, ‘We are constitutional and lawful in how we govern, even if it’s centralized power.’ And the world has long since capitulated to such narratives—since the late 1990s and early 2000s—when engagement with China became increasingly necessary for the Western world,” Gutiérrez Soto explains. He notes that China operates under a totalitarian central government, with a single party, centralized political and economic control, and market flexibility in economic policies.
Gutiérrez Soto, who has been stripped of his Nicaraguan citizenship, believes Ortega and Murillo may be hoping this model will enable them to enter a new phase of negotiations with the United States and Europe, backed by support from Russia and China.
“For Nicaraguans, this is a mockery,” he says, “but on an international level, where the day-to-day realities of Nicaragua are not well understood, this will pass as legitimate. They can say, ‘This is how they function; these are their norms. We’ll have to negotiate with them.’”
“The challenge for Nicaraguans is to expose the violations of rights, the Constitution, and democratic governance behind this facade,” Gutiérrez Soto concludes.
Palace Intrigue Solved: Co-Presidency
The newly introduced Article 33 establishes that “the Presidency of the Republic consists of Co-Presidents, elected through universal, equal, direct, free, and secret suffrage. Those receiving the relative majority of votes are elected.”
This constitutional creation of co-presidential positions addresses the long-standing question of succession, a sensitive and unpopular issue among the regime’s base. The succession dilemma began in 2017 when Murillo was appointed Vice President, and was further complicated two years ago when Ortega named her Co-President.
Gutiérrez Soto asserts that the constitutional co-presidency is “a way to manage internal power tensions between the two dictators.” He recalls what is widely known within regime circles: Murillo’s strong ambition to become Nicaragua’s president, a dream partially derailed by the 2018 social protests.
“She has been vocal and insistent on her need to become president. In private, Ortega has promised her on multiple occasions—confirmed by those once close to them—that she would be the Sandinista candidate in the 2026 elections,” says Gutiérrez Soto. “Two years ago, he made her Co-President, but this new move allows Ortega to remain visibly in power while also making Murillo a president. It legalizes a setup that has been in practice since 2007.”
The co-presidency also creates another pathway: shared succession. “This arrangement allows her to increasingly assume visible and legal leadership roles, while Ortega maintains an ever-present figure in power management,” he adds.
What Happens If One Co-President Is Gone?
The amended Article 135 extends Nicaragua’s presidential term from five to six years, prolonging the current administration by an additional year. Following this, the revised Article 136 states that if one co-president dies, the other will continue in power.
“If one of the co-presidents is permanently absent, the other will complete the elected term,” the reform specifies.
“In practical terms, this means that if one co-president dies, the other will finish the term alone. No election is held to replace the deceased. It’s obvious who came up with this provision,” notes a source close to the regime.
Moreover, the reform allows the co-presidents to “appoint vice presidents to perform assigned functions.”
“This goes beyond short-term succession, which is clearly Rosario Murillo, and also addresses the next step in the succession plan. Laureano Ortega is the likely candidate for that role,” explains Jesús Tefel, president of Hagamos Democracia.
“It also gives them flexibility to use the vice-presidential position to placate other factions, such as the military, without requiring a popular vote,” Tefel adds.